While the majority of the Socialist caste anxiously and nervously awaited the announcement of Rama's favorites for the new government, the Prime Minister surprised everyone by creating a bigger headline: the end of Erion Veliaj.
Pretending to be heartbroken by the unfair decisions of the judiciary, mentioning the mayor's unconvicted isolation merely as a formality, Rama announced the termination of his mandate.
For anyone with open eyes, what happened today might be a surprise in its timing, but not in its preordained fate. Veliaj had been treated like a leper by his boss for a long time. The Ministry of Justice deprived him of his rights as a regular prisoner, his people were dismissed from the municipality, and his supporters were excluded from the new Socialist Party parliamentary group.
So now, when Rama announced that the Municipal Council will begin procedures for the dismissal of the imprisoned mayor, and went even further by predicting legal changes to make this dismissal possible, there are no longer any doubts that, at best (meaning even if we don't want to believe he ordered it himself), he was synchronized with SPAK in the attack against Veliaj.
In this sense, the discarding of "Lali" (Veliaj's nickname) like a squeezed lemon, precisely on the day of the naming of the Rama 4 team, shows a lot to those who are taking on new duties today. For some ministers who changed departments, but especially for the six newcomers to the cabinet, there is no point of reference on how they should behave to have a successful future. Besfort Lamallari at Justice, Evis Sala at Health, Sofian Jaupaj at Environment, Ervin Demo at Local Governance, Toni Gogu at Relations with Parliament, and Andis Salla at Agriculture, have no experience to rely on. The case of Erion Veliaj leaves them without a compass.
The imprisoned mayor is still considered an example of success by his party. He remains in memory as the man who defeated opponents three times in elections, who transformed and modernized Tirana, who had the greatest support any politician has ever had in the capital's artistic and sports circles.
On the other hand, he knew how to be the servile par excellence of the boss. Even bowing his head to accept orders to paint staircase walls, or to follow a peasant's cow, he never said no. He didn't even do so when, against his will, he took on the costs of demolishing the theater desired by the boss, or when, although he had no connection, he got involved in the football federation elections.
But neither success according to "Renaissance" parameters, nor the ability of a sycophant toward the "Big One," saved him from the most dramatic downfall any politician of these three decades has ever suffered.
So, looking at this tragic fate, the epilogue of which was written precisely on the day of their first appointment, what should the new ministers think?
Who determines their political fate and future?
Does work, blind obedience, or even both together still matter, or can they be suddenly nullified, simply due to the Prime Minister's whims or perverse calculations?
Naturally, there is no doubt that, just like Veliaj, the novice ministers will have the opportunity to get fat, quickly enrich themselves, and create privileges for themselves and their circle, but besides this, they will have nothing more in their hands.
For them, there will be no measuring unit to compare success or failure, and above all, the time when they will leave or become "scapegoats."
Therefore, in this case, instead of congratulations, it is better to say to them: welcome to the adventure of one who consciously accepts that they no longer have control over themselves. This is the stereotype of a typical member of the Rama 4 cabinet.
